Introduction
In the early medieval art of Central, Northern, and Western Europe from the 8th to the 11th centuries, one can observe an almost rigid iconographic praxis characterized by the absence of visible belts. In the visual culture of the period, belts are either entirely omitted or presented as discreet components concealed within the folds of garments. For modern scholarship, this convention represents a significant methodological barrier, as it complicates the analysis of belt construction and associated utilitarian tools, which were of secondary importance to the artistic intent. Consequently, we possess only a fragmentary corpus of depictions indicating the presence of a belt or suspended non-combat accessories. This limitation substantially hinders exact physical reconstruction, which must primarily rely on archaeological finds and detailed comparative analysis. The author has previously addressed this methodological issue in several studies (Vlasatý 2019; 2023; 2025a); however, a comprehensive cataloging of specimens has remained absent until now.
Depictions that deviate from this convention are exceedingly rare, yet they do exist. The first group comprises sources depicting belt strap-ends. A well-known 9th-century example is a strap-end with a piece of leather peeking from beneath the tunic folds of Charles the Bald (Paris, BnF, Latin 1141, fol. 2v). This massive, tongue-shaped strap-end, evidently gilded and adorned with a central gemstone, finds strong parallels in Great Moravian burials (Kouřil 2014: Cat. nos. 176, 182). From a similar period (late 9th-century France), we find a depiction of two warriors with massive tongue-shaped strap-ends visible at their waists, this time without the leather strap (London, BL, Harley MS 2886, fol. 27v). The center of these strap-ends is filled with a tongue-shaped or oval motif, and the surrounding space is punctuated with dots – a decorative form consistent with certain Carolingian strap-ends (e.g., Bohdan 2023). Civilian belts can sometimes be conflated with sword belts, whose strap-ends are also occasionally depicted, featuring either one or two terminals. Sword belts of 11th-century warriors from Crkvina near Biskupija (Croatia) feature a single strap-end with a flared terminal (Jurčević 2016: Fig. 75), while a pair of flared strap-ends with spherical tips can be seen on a scene of Otto II from the 980s (Vatican, BAV, Vat. Lat. 9820; Schulze-Dörrlamm 2014: Fig. 11). A similar arrangement is visible on a sword belt depicted in a French manuscript from the 1060s (Paris, BnF, Latin 12117, fol. 135v). It seems that a sword belt in a scene from the Stuttgart Psalter from the first half of the 9th century (Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl.fol.23, fol. 4v) is also equipped with similar terminals. The neighbouring figure in this scene also has a sword belt, from which protrudes a small protrusion and a large, unidentifiable tongue-like object resembling a pouch or a large strap-end (Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl.fol.23, fol. 4v).
Fig. 1: Belt and sword belt strap-ends in 9th–11th century art.
From left, top: Paris, BnF, Latin 1141, fol. 2v; London, BL, Harley MS 2886, fol. 27v; Paris, BnF, Latin 12117, fol. 135v; Jurčević 2016: Fig. 75; Schulze-Dörrlamm 2014: Fig. 11.
The second, equally rare group consists of utilitarian daily objects fixed to the belt. Most frequently, these are knives. A small, vertically suspended knife is depicted in the Stuttgart Psalter (Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl.fol.23, fol. 8r). Further evidence of vertical knife fixation via a secondary strap descending from the main belt is provided by the so-called Wolfram’s Candlestick from Erfurt and the dedication scene of the Olomouc Horologium (Stockholm, KB, Theol. Mss. A 144, fol. 34v) – both representing artifacts from the mid-12th century (Vlasatý 2025). A longer, vertically fixed knife is visible at the waist of a warrior on Cross B from Middleton, dated to the 10th century (Bailey 1980: Pl. 13). In one manuscript from the 1170s, an axe in a sheath is tucked into the belt (London, BL, Harley 2802, fol. 190).
Fig. 2: Belt-mounted tools in Western European art from the 9th–12th centuries.
From left, top: Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.bibl.fol.23, fol. 8r; Bailey 1980: Pl. 13; Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, Theol. Mss. A 144, fol. 34v, London, BL, Harley 2802, fol. 190.
This visual canon does not apply to the artistic production of Eastern Europe and Asia, where composite belts and suspended items are explicitly depicted. For instance, in the Menologion of Basil II, a Byzantine manuscript from 976–1025, we find realistically rendered Bulgarians (Vatican, Vat. Gr. 1613, fol. 345). Suspended from the fitting-adorned belt of one figure are three objects identifiable as a sheathed knife, an awl-like marlinspike, and a pouch. Another illustrative example is a statuette from Eleke Sazy in Kazakhstan (6th century), whose belt carries not only tassels and a long edged weapon but also a sheathed knife and two morphologically distinct pouches (Samašev et al. 2022: Fig. 3).
Fig. 3: Belt-mounted tools in Eastern European art from the 10th–11th centuries.
Source: Menologion of Basil II, Vatican, Vat. Gr. 1613, fol. 345.
Fig. 4: Belt-mounted tools in Central Asian early medieval art.
Source: Samašev et al. 2022: Fig. 3.
In the context of Western European iconography, where any depiction of belt accessories is an anomaly, we have identified further potential specimens in the Hitda Codex (Darmstadt, Hessische Landesbibliothek, MS 1640). Following consultations with specialists in early medieval material reconstruction (M. Baráková, R. Král, J. Mestellér), we have concluded that these likely represent unique depictions of belt pouches or bags. In the text presented below, which we dedicate to all those interested in the practical everyday life of the Early Middle Ages, we will present both the scenes themselves and their comparisons with archaeological finds.
Scenes of the so-called Hitda Codex
The Hitda Codex (Darmstadt, Hessische Landesbibliothek, MS 1640), a Gospel book belonging to the pinnacle of Ottonian manuscript illumination, is one of the most richly decorated manuscripts of the so-called Cologne School (see Bloch – Schnitzler 1967: 44-53; Mayr-Harting 1991: 289-307; 1999: 99-123). Consisting of 219 parchment folios, the codex is traditionally associated with Hitda, the Abbess of Meschede, who is depicted in the dedication illumination alongside St. Walburga. Her tenure is attributed to the period between 978 and 1042; based on comparisons with analogous works, the creation of the manuscript is dated to 1000–1020. A distinctive feature of this work is the high frequency of female figures. It should be noted that the manuscript currently lacks an official digital facsimile available online.
Fig. 5: Folios 76r and 115r, manuscript Darmstadt, Hessische Landesbibliothek, MS 1640.
Source: Nyssen 1991: Pls. XIII, XVII.
The scene on folio 76r illustrates the narrative from the Gospel of Mark (Mark 5:1–20), specifically the pericope concerning the healing of the Gerasene demoniac. Analogous renderings of this motif are known from at least two other Ottonian sources: the Gospels of Otto III (Munich, BSB, Clm 4453, fol. 103v) and the wall paintings in the Church of St. George in Reichenau-Oberzell (Erdmann – Keller 1986: Pl. 1; Martin 1975: Pl. 6). However, in contrast to both the biblical text and the aforementioned iconographic parallels, the Hitda Codex portrays the possessed man as a fully clothed male figure (whereas the standard convention portrays him only in undergarments). However, this figure is fully clothed in some slightly younger manuscripts, dated to the 1030s-1040s (Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Hs. 156142, fol. 53r; El Escorial, Real Biblioteca, Cod. Vitrinas 17, fol. 31r). On the left hip of the figure, below the waistline, is an elongated rectangular object rendered in gold pigment (consistent with the halos and the hems of the robes), which is partially obscured by the tunic. This element does not occur in the comparative works.
Fig. 6: Potential belt pouch on folio 76r.
Source: Nyssen 1991: Pl. XIII.
A similar, though shorter and more rounded object, painted in the same colour and in the same position, can be found at the hip of one man on folio 115r, which thematicizes the resurrection of the youth from Nain according to the Gospel of Luke (Luke 7:11–17). This is a figure in the foreground carrying the bier. An analogous motif, though without the object at the side, is known from at least four other Ottonian sources: the Gospels of Otto III (Munich, BSB, Clm 4453, fol. 155v), the Augsburg manuscript (Augsburg, Diözesanmuseum, Hs. 15a/Nr. 104; see Brandt 2009: 46), the so-called Bernward Column from Hildesheim (Brandt 2009: 46; Erhardt 1967: 50-51) and the murals of the Church of St. George in Reichenau-Oberzell (Erdmann – Keller 1986: Pl. 6; Martin 1975: Pl. 11). Another analogous scene comes from the so-called Golden Codex of Echternach (Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Hs. 156142, fol. 54r), dated to approximately the 1030s-1040s. The object is again slightly obscured by the tunic.
Fig. 7: Potential belt pouch on folio 115r.
Source: Bloch – Schnitzler 1967: 149; Nyssen 1991: Pl. XVII.
It can be reasonably asserted that these forms do not represent mere tunics, their folds, or decorations, but rather distinct objects. Although a similarity to the aforementioned strap-ends might be suggested, this hypothesis is refuted by both the morphology and, primarily, the disproportionate width. When extrapolated to realistic proportions, this width would exceed 10 cm, surpassing the dimensions of the largest documented strap-ends in early medieval Europe (e.g., Ament 1993: 91; Hrubý 1955: Fig. 35.19). Given that the shape does not correspond to the typology of knife sheaths either, the most plausible interpretation appears to be that these represent belt pouches, a conclusion that warrants a more detailed analysis.
Practical perspectives and archaeological parallels
In early medieval material culture, which lacked pockets integrated directly into garments, belt pouches constituted one of the primary means for transporting and protecting valuable, fragile, sharp, or otherwise delicate objects that were required to be within immediate reach (particularly small silver coinage, combs, or fire-starting kits). It is a noteworthy paradox that these pouches occur so infrequently in contemporary iconography, considering that they are documented in the European archaeological record of the 9th–11th centuries in quantities numbering dozens to hundreds of specimens. Within funerary contexts, bags and purses are documented in positions at both the left (Alichova 1969: 14; Arbman 1943: Abb. 333; Nikitina 2023: Figs. 24, 32, 35, 39, 42, 45, 55, 59, 69, 74; Sörling 1945: 28) and right hip (Nikitina 2023: Figs. 77, 87; Virágos 2022).
Fig. 8: Physical reconstructions of early medieval garments with proportionally matching pouches. Authors: Kristián Jócsik and Jakub Kurák, archeoreenactment.
The analyzed depictions in the Hitda Codex do not offer a direct projection of the artifact but rather capture it in a slightly distorted perspective, with the resulting image remaining highly schematic and non-specific. It must be conceded that the comparison of iconographic sources with the archaeological reality of the Early Middle Ages is methodologically problematic (cf. Vlasatý 2025b). Iconographic sources are invariably tendentious to a degree, reflecting the taste and perception of a narrow group of literate monks who stylized biblical figures in the likeness of the contemporary elite. Consequently, it is difficult to determine whether the depicted accessories represent actual daily life or if they are deliberately selected symbols, while the most mundane objects remained unobserved by the author’s brush. Identification is further complicated by the absence of the upper section of the object, including the method of its fixation to the belt. The object on folio 76r exhibits a rectangular morphology (height-to-width ratio of approximately 1.5:1) with an indication of widening at the lower part, while a line extends beyond the bottom edge along the vertical axis. The object on folio 115r is also rectangular but vertically shorter (ratio approx. 1.25:1), with slightly rounded edges and an inscribed contrasting rectangle from whose bottom edge a small tip emerges.
The search for archaeological parallels can only proceed through the exclusion of less probable variants. It remains unclear whether both depicted objects represent an identical structural type. The indicated lines and tips suggest that these were not drawstring bags (Groenman-van Waateringe 1984: 37-38, Pls. 23-25; Schnack 1998: 63-4) or variants with drawstrings around the entire perimeter (Belošević 2007: 428). Morphologically, they correspond neither to the folded wallets of the Gokstad (Vlasatý 2020a), Birka (Arbman 1940: Pls. 130-133; Gräslund 1984: 143-144), Trelleborg (Vlasatý 2022), or Sigtuna types (Vlasatý 2024a), nor to the more voluminous bags of the Iholm (Vlasatý 2020b) or Roswinkel types (Vlasatý 2024b).
The most relevant candidates appear to be flat pouches constructed by sewing together front and back panels, sealable with a strap passed through a loop or buckle, which are very common in the archaeological record. In the case of the object on folio 115r, we find the closest typological proximity to finds from Elisenhof (Grenander-Nyberg 1985: 234, 247, Pl. 76; 1993) or Gniezno (Kurnatowska 2008: 354), which feature a loop for a strap terminated with a knot. The object on folio 76r exhibits the greatest similarity to pouches where a strap passes through the front face and is secured into a buckle sewn onto the lid. Variants of this solution are documented in the German environment for both the 6th–7th centuries (Martin 2012; Pirling 1973; Sturm – Beyer 2007: Fig. 33; Volken et al. 2020) and the 13th–15th centuries (Goubitz 2009; Stolle 2010). Thus, a certain continuity in their occurrence can be assumed, although their presence in the interim period is limited by their absence in funerary contexts. Conversely, pouches of the Old Hungarian type (cf. Virágos 2022) appear improbable for geographical and chronological reasons, as do variants with central mounts of the Islandbridge type (Harrison – Ó Floinn 2014: 178–180, 457), lyre-shaped purses with perimeter mounts (Gräslund 1984: 153; G̦inters 1981: 22-3; Sörling 1939; 1945), Great Moravian variants with butterfly-shaped closures (Galuška 2013: 64-7; Kalábek et al. 2011: 206), or pouches with rigid lids (e.g., Burkert 2010: 187).
Fig. 9. Author’s interpretation of pouch appearance.
Left: Schematic form based on the manuscript original.
Right: Hypothetical reconstruction based on archaeological analogies.
Author: Diego Flores Cartes.
Conclusion
In light of detailed comparison with contemporary illumination and archaeological material, the belt accessories from the Hitda Codex can be cautiously evaluated as depictions of pouches – a rarity within Western European early medieval art. It is possible that these artifacts do not represent a mere decorative detail but rather an elaborate semiotic code that communicated the character’s identity, social status, and narrative role to the viewer.
The question remains as to what specific semantic content was attributed to these elements. It is evident that this is a distinctive feature of this manuscript, whose illuminator consciously abandoned established iconographic conventions – particularly in the case of the healing of the Gerasene demoniac, where the traditional canon dictates the depiction of a naked or only partially clothed figure.
In the codex, potential pouches are exclusively associated with figures lacking a cloak. In both analyzed scenes, these are secular figures acting as witnesses to Christ’s miracles, standing in a certain contrast to the central figure of Christ within the composition. In the case of the illumination of the resurrection of the youth from Nain, the object is suspended from the belt of the most richly attired man, indicating a possible correlation with social hierarchy. This suggests the hypothesis of whether the pouch in this context symbolizes temporal goods or a certain form of vanity. However, an exact assessment of their semantic function within the theological program of the work remains a task for further art-historical and iconological research.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank our fellow reenactors with whom the discovery was consulted. These include, primarily, Monika Baráková (recreating_the_past), Kristián Jócsik and Jakub Kurák (archeoreenactment), Roman Král (King’s Craft), and János Mestellér (Kazár Bazar). Our gratitude also goes to Diego Flores Cartes, who swiftly and accurately executed the illustration.
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